Africa: A year in review
2013 emerged as a critical year for U.S. engagement and involvement in African security and development. Although security was understated as a priority in previous years, faced with a series of disasters, threats and insecurity in certain parts of the continent, a number of security concerns and related U.S. policy priorities emerged in 2013.
As we move into 2014, we want to take a step back to reflect on a few significant events that took place in Africa during 2013. Many of these events and developments are ongoing, and we will continue to monitor them in 2014.
U.S. Security Assistance & Involvement
U.S. military engagement in Sub-Saharan Africa continued to rise throughout 2013. There are more U.S. troops on the ground across the continent today than at any point since the U.S. intervention in Somalia two decades ago – with military outposts, construction, security cooperation, and deployments in no fewer than 49 African countries. In addition to increasing military training exercises and troop deployment, the U.S. has built a number of new drone bases across the continent, with minimal public documentation of their intended functions.
The U.S. also increased intelligence operations on the continent, which are set to continue in 2014. With sights still set on capturing “high-value” Al Qaeda and al-Shabab operatives, the Pentagon conducted two special operations raids—in Libya and Somalia. Even before the raids, the U.S. was expanding its security assistance to the Horn and to Somalia, beefing up support for the Somalia and Puntland intelligence services and flying more surveillance drones over Somali territory. To date, the U.S. has focused on short-term, military-led counterterrorism strategies in the Horn.
Despite these expansions, there are signs that debates around the Pentagon’s budget will affect its Africa work. As the U.S. Department of Defense experiences cuts, so will the United States Africa Command (AFRICOM). AFRICOM’s Commander noted that budget cuts would impact its headquarters, currently in Stuttgart, Germany, as well as decrease the size of its training exercises in Africa and troop deployment.
Violence on the Rise?
September 21st, terrorism attacks in the Horn of Africa made a tragic comeback with the Westgate attack by al-Shabab in Nairobi. The brutal attack, followed by an 80-hour siege, resulted in 67 deaths including six soldiers. The event raised concerns regarding the threat al-Shabab poses regionally and to U.S. interests. In response to the attacks, Obama administration officials indicated the United States would reinforce their counterterrorism efforts against al-Shabab, “both through direct U.S. counterterrorism efforts, but also through support for AMISOM, the international force, including Kenya, that has pushed al-Shabab out of a number of its strongholds in Somalia.”
At a Senate hearing on the attacks, Subcommittee Chair Chris Coons announced his intention to introduce legislation to call for a Somalia strategy, which became law as part of the National Defense Authorization Act FY 2014 (NDAA). In addition to Intelligence Assessment and Report on Al Shabab, the law calls on the administration to present a strategy to Congress to guide U.S. policy in Somalia to:
Counter armed threats and support regional security, and in support of Somali and international efforts to foster economic growth and opportunity, counter armed threats to stability, and develop credible, transparent, and representative government systems and institutions.
On the other side of the continent, the conflict in Nigeria has grown increasingly deadly in the past year, with the Islamic terrorist organization Boko Haram launching several lethal attacks against civilians in the Northern Nigerian states. While the U.S. continues to support the Nigerian government in their fight against Boko Haram, concerns with regards to the Nigerian military conduct have cooled that support. Throughout the year, multiple reports surfaced citing evidence of human rights abuses committed by Nigeria’s military. These allegations included extrajudicial killings, torture, and indiscriminate round ups, atrocious prison conditions, and concerns about the government’s backing of the civilian vigilante group, the Civilian Joint Task Force.
In response to these accusations, a new debate emerged within the Obama administration, and the U.S. has increasingly voiced its concern with the Nigerian government. President Obama emphasized the importance of the rule of law and respect for human rights in a meeting with Nigerian President Goodluck Jonathan and members of Congress questioned the military’s human rights record and its implications for U.S. security assistance. The White House and the U.S. Department of State also emphasized that Nigeria must pursue a “comprehensive counterterrorism approach” which combines law enforcement tools effectively with economic opportunity and integrates human rights protection.
New Crises & Conflicts
The political, economic and humanitarian situations in the Central African Republic (CAR) deteriorated steadily throughout the summer of 2013, and rapidly over the fall. On December 4 and 5, mass atrocities were systematically carried out against civilians in the capital Bangui. The conflict started with a military coup in March 2013. Throughout the summer, France warned about the threat of mass atrocities and a humanitarian disaster. In November, the United Nations stated that the seeds of genocide were being sown. And in December, more than 1,000 innocent civilians were killed.
The U.S. and international community responded far too late to repeated warning signs from Central African leaders, international NGOs and diplomats. However, once the crisis finally garnered the attention of global leaders, the response has been quite historic, particularly from the United States. Both the U.S. House of Representatives and Senate convened hearings on the crisis, President Obama recorded an emergency video message to the people of the Central Africa Republic urging them to choose a non-violent path, the Department of Defense transferred $60 million to the Department of State to support African Peacekeepers, and by Dec. 19, the U.S. released a comprehensive fact sheet on U.S. assistance to the Central African Republic, including funds for peacebuilding, humanitarian assistance, security, human rights monitoring, and efforts to re-open a diplomatic presence. The situation in CAR remains tenuous today, with a long road ahead to recovery.
On Saturday, December 14, violence and conflict returned to South Sudan, Africa’s youngest country. This descent into violence from what began as a power struggle for control over the government has left many with the question: what went wrong?
The United States’ role in supporting South Sudan’s independence from Sudan, and its provision of significant development aid after the country gained independence in 2011 has led some South Sudan watchers to debate whether the U.S. could have used its influence to prevent the violence. Members of U.S. Congress questioned whether the U.S. was sufficiently engaged in the lead-up to the crisis and alleged that the current administration failed to respond to warning signs, including incidences of continuing discord between ethnic groups, reports of corruption and concern of a lack of inclusion in the constitutional process of those outside the ruling SPLM. Sen. Ed Markey (D-MA) questioned U.S. security assistance to South Sudan, even as some partners like the EU, kept arms embargoes.
Despite the slow response to increasing tensions, the U.S. responded to the crisis with a concerted, high-level diplomatic effort. The White House called on both sides to cease hostilities. U.S. Special Envoy to Sudan and South Sudan Donald Booth urged warring faction to join mediation talks and U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry made calls to regional leaders to coordinate a regional response. In an attempt to stem the violence and address the humanitarian crisis, the U.S. voted for an increase in United Nations peacekeeping troops and increased humanitarian assistance.